The Scattered Voice

Preface

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Introduction

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"And for you, Derek," my political science professor announced, "your final research project and presentation will be on the religious response to feminism."

What? It was at that moment that I knew that I shouldn’t have taken "feminist political theory" my senior year of college. What was I thinking? Every Thursday night, I was one of two men who would enter a room of 20 women to discuss the history, books, movies and music from the feminist movement. It’s not that I was apprehensive about doing the research on the religious response; I was more terrified about standing in front of a group of "liberal" women, trying to explain to them my convictions as a Christian!

I can remember signing up for the course. I was going to bring "light" into a very dark place. For I was a very Christian, very conservative student taking classes in a very secular state university. Signing up for the course, I remember having dreams of setting them straight, while pointing out the dangers of liberating women.

It’s not that I was a male chauvinist. It was just that I was a conservative. And a Christian conservative at that! I would engage the material with the class, and then give what I thought to be the "right" way of looking at things ("right" here, from my perspective, meant both "correct" and "right-wing").

For my project on the "religious response to feminism," I went straight to the heavy hitters. For the Christian perspective, I chose an essay by Jerry Falwell entitled, "Why True Christian Women Do Not Participate in the Feminist Movement," and for the "political" perspective, I went with the book, See, I Told You So by Rush Limbaugh. Sure, I also selected a variety of scholarly sources to have my paper appear well rounded, but it was Falwell and Limbaugh that guided my thinking.

The research component of my paper was nearly complete, and I noticed that my "Christian" perspective was rather heavy on the Protestant side. Recalling that Father Larry and Sister Anita, from Catholic campus ministry, often attended my basketball games, I decided to interview them.

I began with Father Larry. He’s a guy, a priest, probably conservative, anti-abortion, yada-yada. He’d see things my way! "Father Larry," I said loud enough for my tape player to pick up, "What are some of your general reactions to the feminist movement?" I sat back, waiting to hear him confirm my thoughts. I almost winked at him as I put a little smart smirk on my face.

"Well Derek," Father Larry replied, "Would you like me to start with the ‘good’ of the feminist movement, or the ‘not-so-good’ aspects of the movement?"

"Wait a second Father Larry," I shockingly retorted, "I think I missed what you said. Did you say there is ‘good’ in the feminist movement?"

The big change in my life probably occurred even before I finished asking the priest to repeat his opening statement. First, there was a tingling sensation down my spine, and then, all at once, the goose bumps came. For the first time (and it wouldn’t be the last), I realized that my entire political ideology was untouched by my Christian faith. My faith, my religion, which should be the core of me, answering the "big questions" of life and propelling me to action in a world in need, had little influence on the development of a coherent Christian political philosophy.

Of course, this changed everything. My research took a different turn, and I re-read texts with a fresh perspective. Trying to be serious about the things that God is serious about, I read and meditated on scripture. Taking a step back, I realized that Christian politics, Christian political theory, may not look anything like the "two-party" American political system. I began to affirm the true goodness of the feminist movement. God is about helping those who are oppressed! But I proceeded with caution; God is also about strong families as the cornerstone of society.

My research was thorough, my presentation compelling, and my mind "renewed." For the first time, I was allowing my worldview to be shaped by what is central to Christians: the Bible. Not conservative ideology, not "the Christian right," not the moral majority, but the Bible was going to be the light unto my path.

Sure, I found that much of the "right" is affirmed by Scripture, but so is the "left." What I found to be most important is that we can’t reduce the gospel to fit into our agendas. My prayer is that the following study helps Christians to think critically about developing a Christian political perspective. By using Dr. James W. Skillen’s book, The Scattered Voice: Christians at Odds in the Public Square, to investigate different Christian responses to politics in the past and present, I hope to provide the tools necessary to bring clarity in a confusing arena of life.

First and foremost, we must affirm that God cares about His world. Participation in politics is both a civic responsibility and a command from God. As stewards of God’s creation, we must take our citizenship in America and in heaven seriously. We must ask tough question about how we develop our political views and about how we work to have the world reflect God’s character and Kingdom. May this study help eliminate some "thorns and thistles" that keep us from fully embracing God’s call on our lives.

Political Terms

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Western Liberalism
Historically speaking, almost all American political perspectives — ranging from radically liberal to radically conservative — find their roots in this political tradition. Western Liberalism dates back to the 17th century and represents a quest for limited and representative government, individual rights, private-property protection, and promotion of the general welfare under the rule of law. This tradition arose in England, at least in part to overcome the problems of arbitrary government and seemingly endless religious wars. Liberalism is not without significant Christian influence.


American Conservatives
Tend to emphasize one side of Western Liberalism tradition — individual rights, limited government, private-property rights, national independence, and the moral convictions held by most of those who founded the country.

American Liberals
Tend to emphasize another side of Western Liberalism — the responsibility of a democratic government to advance the general welfare, to enhance the material equality and opportunity of every citizen, to overcome problems such as poverty and racism that hold back some citizens from enjoying all the privileges of a free society, and to promote international harmony.

Differentiated Society
Refers to the complex character of our American society. Many of the organizational structures exist for different purposes, on different terms, under different authorities, and in considerable independence from one another. For example: Church hierarchies do not rule medical associations; parents do not run the media; and college administrators do not govern the banks. A single hierarchy with the state or church on top, handing down instructions for everything underneath, does not order our society. America is not a simple, undifferentiated whole; it is not a unitary community.

Christian Political Perspective
To create a Christian political perspective, Christians need to focus more pointedly on what the political order ought to be, while they also broaden their understanding of how politics should be related to the rest of reality. Christians urgently need to develop a principled framework that can distinguish the task of government and the role of citizenship from the responsibilities of other institutions and communities.

 

Meeting One: Setting the Stage

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Goals

  • To broaden our understanding of American political ideologies from a faith perspective
  • To investigate and discuss the strengths and weaknesses of each ideology
  • To develop a holistic (biblically based) approach to political thought and engagement

Text

Skillen, James. The Scattered Voice: Christians at Odds in the Public Square.
Canadian Institute for Law, Theology, and Public Policy Inc. 1996.

Discussion

1. Do you agree or disagree with the following statement?

That deeper drive behind history may well be the enduring human desire for a permanent city — the desire for a place of freedom and order, of security and prosperity, in which the lion lies down with the lamb and all human needs are satisfied.

2. Both conservatives and liberals tend to stress the things government should or should not do, rather than face the question of what a government ought to be. What is the difference? Why do you think most Americans think this way? Which question do you think is more (most) important?

3. Regardless of your convictions concerning the Bible, can we agree that the Bible:

  • speaks to all areas of life, i.e. politics/government?
  • does not teach a single "ideal form" of political order, nor offer a program for political action in a modern, differentiated society?
  • does not make "doing justice" an option (see Psalm 72:1-3, Micah 6:8)?

Conclusion

We hope that after each discussion we can better answer the following questions:

  • In all of this, what can we learn that will help us to decide where to take our stand and how to fulfill our civic responsibility in decades ahead?

  • Is there a biblically sound, properly differentiated, and fully realistic biblical perspective on political life?

Meeting Two: Pro-American Conservatives

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Summary

Recovering America

  • Decry America’s moral decline and direct their indignation chiefly toward illegitimate secular humanism that is distorting the country and undermining the birthright of the majority.

  • Older America was sound, so what the country needs is a conservative restoration.

General Moralism

  • Use of political tactics serves as a means to a broader end of trying to restore the nation and its moral climate. If moral recovery can take place, then political change will follow.

  • Nostalgia for "small-town America"; i.e. earliest political covenants were molded after church covenants (designed to organize a few hundred people).

Limited State and Law of God

  • American Constitution and the Bible function side by side as political authorities, with the constitutional framework setting the political agenda, while the Bible responds with specific answers to political questions.

  • Chief principles emphasized (deriving from the Bible) are human sinfulness, private property protection, government’s responsibility not to intervene in social programs, opposition to communism, and support for the state of Israel.
  • John Eidsmoe writes, "The conservative view of the limited purpose and authority of the state is consistent with the biblical view of government, whereas the liberal view of the organic state has no support in Scripture."

Discussion

1. How do you respond to the following statement by Jerry Falwell?

There can be no questioning the retrogression of America’s stability as a free and healthy nation. In the last several years, Americans have literally stood by and watched as godless, spineless leaders have brought our nation floundering to the brink of death… Conservative Americans must now take the helm and guide America back to a position of stability and greatness.

2. Should we be seeking public laws against every kind of immoral behavior? What specific kind of moral responsibility should a limited government have in a differentiated society?

3. Pro-American conservatives tend to appeal to the American constitution as the political norm and standard. How does this have an effect on biblical interpretation?

Conclusion

Strength: Calls America back to it moral heritage, stressing character and integrity.

Weakness: The Christian character of pro-American conservatism appears to reside more in its faith in America than in a well-developed political philosophy grounded in biblical and historical argument.

Meeting Three: Cautious and Critical Conservatives

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Dimensions of Self-Criticism

  • Political outlook and approach exudes caution and self-criticism.

  • Sensitive to the fact that corruption appears in every heart, in every political movement.
  • Concerned less with traditional moral values and more with the need to understand biblical principles that can expose and correct political practices and ideologies — including those of Christians.

Reaching for Transcendence

  • First responsibility of those who declare allegiance to the kingdom of God is to understand historic Christian truth: to know Scripture and classic fundamentals of the faith.

  • Expose illusion, overcome utopian expectations, and debunk the type of messianic self-righteousness that is often associated with political causes and crusades on both the right and left.

Four steps toward a more complete political perspective and approach

  1. Clarify biblical principles

  2. Gain detailed knowledge of particular problems
  3. Develop a relevant political theory which best affirms human dignity and international peace and justice
  4. Apply the moral and biblical principles to the specific problems in the light of that political theory

Discussion

1. Do you agree/disagree with the following statement by Charles Colson?

First, the solutions to all human ills do not lie in political structures; and second, it is impossible to effect genuine political reform solely by legislation. Many Christians, like much of the populace, believe the political illusion, that is, that political structures can cure all our ills. The fact is, however, that government, by its very nature, is limited in what it can accomplish. What it does best is perpetuate its own power and bolster its own bureaucracies.

2. Cautious and critical conservatives seem to indicate that Christian morality and the church stand on one side and the reality of politics stands on the other. Does this split God’s rule into two parts? Isn’t the ultimate question from a Christian standpoint how the political realm as a whole ought to be shaped in accord with God’s principles of justice, stewardship, mercy, and love?

3. Should Christians in other offices such as politicians, parents, teachers, business people see themselves as secular individuals outside of the church?

Conclusion

Strength: Cautious and critical conservatives remind us of a very important truth — that politics is not everything, that sinful humans distort it, and that Christians can do great political damage by acting pretentiously and over confidently in that realm.

Weakness: Cautious and critical conservatives do not go far enough in explaining the biblical teaching that all of life is religion — that every arena of human action represents a calling before God. The Bible does not indicate a sacred/secular dichotomy.

Meeting Four: Sophisticated Neo-Conservatives

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Summary

Religious Roots of the Liberal State

  • Prefix "neo" suggests a type of conservatism that has emerged from a redefining process.

  • Religion and culture are the deeper realities that limit and relativize politics.
  • Relocate and redefine public life by means of a comprehensive moral theology and social-economic philosophy.

Politics is Relative to Religion and Culture

  • When people begin to treat politics as everything or to act as if religion can be locked up in private, they reveal an upside-down, inside-out confusion about human nature and society.

  • Public debates about the shape of political community must involve moral and religious debate about the goals, principles, and purposes that should guide decision making in the political arena.

Mediating Structures

  • The liberal error is not necessarily in assuming that government bears some responsibility for social service but rather in overlooking or discounting neighborhoods, families, churches, and voluntary associations in the process of formulating and implementing public policy.

  • Public policy should take mediating structures into account both to protect and to utilize them in the process of promoting social welfare.

Discussion

1. How do you respond to the following statement by Father Richard John Neuhaus?

An inescapable fact about America and Americans is our propensity to define and redefine ourselves… America is not a fact of nature but a product of human decision. It is a nation on purpose and by purpose. If America is to be newly defined by a public philosophy for free society, that definition will be strongly stamped by religion.

2. What is/was the Williamsburg Charter of 1988 and why is/was it important?

3. Sophisticated Neo-Conservatives argue that as soon as you enter into the centuries-old debate over what constitutes the "good life" and the "good society," you must deal with issues of ultimate values and transcendent norms. To argue about what constitutes the best political order, therefore, is to enter into a religiously and philosophically charged arena of contention over the nature of the common good.

Do you agree or disagree? Why/why not?

Does this help you better understand the position that the role of government is relative to religion and culture? How?

Conclusion

Strength: In contrast to cautious and critical conservatives, sophisticated neo-conservatives do not start with a negative or skeptical view of government leading either to caution about its actions or to a libertarian desire to restrict its movement at almost every point. Rather, they start with a positive and complex view of human society, in which they believe government can and should play an important role. (But the political world must be approached with the recognition of its secondary or correlative status.)

Sophisticated neo-conservatives have helped to bring us face to face with the highly differentiated society of modern America. The have revived the notion of a religiously rooted culture and society.

Weakness: Despite all their hard work on moral theology, social philosophy, and political economy, the sophisticated neo-conservatives have still left us without an adequate normative conception of the political order.

Switching Gears

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So far, we have looked at Christian responses to politics from a "right-wing" perspective (conservative). Before moving to the left (liberal), I think it is important to remind ourselves of what it is we are trying to accomplish. In our study of political ideologies and philosophies, we hope to be able to gain a broader grasp of historic and contemporary responses to government from a Christian perspective. After discussing strengths and weaknesses, we then hope to develop a political/biblical framework for actively engaging our current political reality.

It seems that the majority of "evangelical" Christians are more present on the right than they are on the left. As we continue to investigate different perspectives, I think that the following interview with Byron Borger will help us to understand that a uniquely Christian perspective may not necessarily fall in either right or left branches of politics.

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The Ivy Jungle Report (IJR)

Good News and Good Works: An Interview with Byron Borger on Evangelicals and Social Action

Byron Borger is an associate staff member for the Coalition for Christian Outreach — an evangelical campus ministry based in and around Pittsburgh, PA. He is also the owner of Hearts & Minds Books (and in that capacity he has run the book table at recent Ivy Jungle Conferences). His passion to combine a proclamation of the empty tomb with a call to social justice has led him in a variety of directions, including lobbying Congressmen, helping to start two crisis pregnancy centers, working with refugees and crusading for racial reconciliation. It has also allowed him to build bridges between groups that often have little to do with each other.

The IJR: Why are so you passionate about combining evangelism and social action?

Borger: Because God is. And because most of us are not living out our entire calling as Christians. Those on the theological left champion the concerns of the poor and crusade for just policies, but they often fail to tell people about Jesus or their need for a saving relationship with him. Those on the right major on evangelism, but often to the exclusion of focusing on the poor and oppressed. Few get the whole message out in the way I believe we are called to.

The IJR: From where I sit — in what most would call an evangelical camp — I see a growing interest in social issues. To be fair, wouldn’t you say that evangelicals are moving in a positive direction?

Borger: Sure. I went to college in the early 1970s and at that time an evangelical who argued for social action was viewed with great suspicion by other evangelicals. The belief was that any attention directed at the poor was attention directed away from evangelism and that social action led down a slippery slope to a social Gospel that left Christ out. In fact, as a freshman I made an announcement at our college fellowship promoting a C.R.O.P. walk — which was being sponsored by Church World Service in order to raise money for hunger relief. I naïvely assumed that everyone would be excited about the chance to help the poor, but instead one of my fellow students told me that my social concern was demonic. She argued that I was leading people away from their true calling, which was evangelism.

Thankfully, those days are over. However, those fears still exist and for the most part, social action is seen as a secondary factor.

The IJR: Perhaps I am guilty of the very sin you are suggesting, but while I am very much in favor of a "both-and" approach to evangelism and social action, I do believe that there is a certain logical priority for the former. And I believe that this is a line of thinking supported by the Lausanne Covenant (1974). Evangelism comes first, both because social responsibility assumes socially responsible Christians — which can only come about via evangelism — and also because evangelism relates to people’s eternal destiny. In one sense, many people can feed the poor, but only the Christian can share the good news. Do you agree with me on this?

Borger: Yes and no. I certainly agree that we are to be about evangelism with zeal, and that there may be a strategic priority for it. But I am actually uncomfortable developing it that way. In fact, I’m not in favor of singling out evangelism and social action as over against everything else, because that would continue to perpetuate a truncated view of the Gospel and the Kingdom. We need to teach students that Jesus is Lord over all aspects of our lives and every sphere of culture. That it all matters.

The early church made a tragic mistake when it adopted the sacred / secular dichotomy of the Greeks. That line of thinking — the higher versus lower, clergy versus laity, spiritual versus physical — is from Plato, not Jesus. And the only difference in the way it got worked out was that, instead of philosophers teaching this division, it was the monks. Consequently, we ended up hearing that prayer is good but work is bad. Giving to the church is good but devoting your life to politics is bad. Sex was seen as bad, and women, generally, were also seen as bad. It took Brother Lawrence to come by in the Middle Ages and say, "I am going to practice the presence of God in all that I do — whether washing the dishes or going to the market" — to get us back on track.

We need to take students to that great passage in the end of Zechariah (14:20) that says, "On that day Holy to the Lord will be inscribed on the bells of horses, and the cooking pots in the Lord’s house will be like sacred bowls in front of the altar," and teach them that everything — even our car horns — are holy. That writing their congressperson to protest unjust legislation is a holy act. It isn’t just evangelism and social action, but we need to present an entire cultural agenda — from science to the arts — and help students place concern for the poor in the broader context of a whole-life kingdom vision.

The IJR: And you do not feel that the evangelical church is moving in that direction?

Borger: I think some are, and I’m thankful for that. But I dare say that we are a long way from where we should be. In most campus ministries, a student leader who is sleeping around will be confronted with that sin pretty quickly. And the same holds for a student who doesn’t believe in prayer or who isn’t regularly having a quiet time. But I doubt that we spend nearly the same amount of time confronting our students who are not concerned about the poor, who do not weep over the evening news. Our praise and worship music certainly doesn’t approach these themes as much as the Bible does!

The IJR: Fair enough. And it is my sense that many students are unaware of just how instrumental the church has been in changing society. Good government, good banking, education, health care, sewer systems and the like have been pushed ahead by evangelical Christians.

Borger: And ending slavery and promoting child labor laws and on and on we can go. In fact, whether you are a Wesleyan or a Calvinist, you find that your namesakes crusaded for social justice and cultural reformation in addition to a personal relationship to Christ. The last letter John Wesley wrote before his death was to William Wilberforce, the great English evangelical who spent his life trying to eradicate slavery. And John Calvin has been called a "constructive revolutionary." He wrote The Institutes but dedicated it to the King because he knew it had political implications. And while he was writing this great work of theology, he was also designing an urban sewer system for the city of Geneva. Why? Because public health is an important matter to God. We should have clean water.

The IJR: When you unfold this broad vision, how do students respond?

Borger: I’ve had students say, "Wow, this is too much. It’s like everything matters." To which I respond, "You’re right. It does." But many more are invigorated by it. It resonates with God’s Spirit in the hearts. It puts legs on the well-known sense of the cost of discipleship. Still, it only lasts if it is rooted in an overall respect for the authority of Scripture and not seen as tangential or optional. I’m convinced that most collegiate Christians want a more profound and costly faith. They want to relate their faith to life’s burning issues.

The IJR: I’ve heard you call campus pastors to unpack God’s heart for the poor from Genesis to Revelation. Are there a few themes that you are looking to develop in that overview?

Borger: Yes, there are three. First, that a concern for the poor is not a specialized ministry reserved for a few. Yes, some may be called to this in ways that others are not — and, as campus pastors we need to be looking for the next William Wilberforce or Martin Luther King so we can encourage and nurture them. But just as we are all called to share our faith, whether this is our spiritual gift or not, we are all called to social action as well.

Second, we must teach the relationship between obedient concern for the poor and authentic spirituality. It’s not just that the poor have a special place in God’s heart, it is that he judges our own knowledge of Him based on our concern for the oppressed. We need to take them to Isaiah 58 and explain that the reason that the prayers of the Jews were not being answered was because they were oppressing their workers. Students need to know that God commands us to invite the poor into our home and to share with the needy. We should meditate long and hard on Jeremiah 22:16.

Finally, I believe we need to teach the concept of the "both / and" as it relates to social action and evangelism. There may be times when you have to choose between sharing the Gospel and social action, but usually each feeds the other. A social witness, like a Habitat for Humanity project, can be an avenue for attracting non-Christian students with whom we can share over a bag of nails. Public, political events just beg for us to explain our motivation and foundation. Involvement in social witness isn’t a distraction from evangelism, but enhances it and validates it. I believe that, whenever possible, we must keep personal evangelism, personal deeds of charity and public policy together.

The IJR: What exactly do you mean when you talk about charity and public policy?

Borger: To become advocates in public policy is one of the best ways to serve the poor. It is to push for justice at the macro-level as opposed to focusing only on individual charity. I think we need to encourage students to write letters to their congressman in support of the passage of bills that will aid the poor. We need to publicly proclaim Isaiah 10:1 and Psalm 72. We need to honor God’s desire for just social order and help our students reform social systems and enact biblically-informed policies, legislation and structures. And, furthermore, I think that all of this — including writing letters to congressmen — is a spiritual act. Now, many may not think so. And many within the church will argue that it is wrong headed. But I would ask the same question as the Arch Bishop of the Catholic Church in Brazil. He said, "Why is it that when I feed the poor they called me a saint? But when I asked why the poor are hungry, they call me a communist?"

The IJR: How do students benefit from getting more involved in social action?

Borger: Well, in addition to the obvious benefits that come from being obedient to God’s teaching — a deeper knowledge of Him, a richer prayer life, etc. — I can think of at least a half dozen.

Your heart is broken so you cry more. And that is not only healthy but it helps you relate to all of the great biblical characters who wept — Jesus and Jeremiah, to name just two.

You develop all sorts of ecumenical relationships. Now, some of your readers may not want to go there, but I’ve developed some great relationships across the spectrum: with Catholic Sisters who run soup kitchens, with Protestant fundamentalists who run rescue missions and with mainline Lutherans who run political campaigns to end hunger. These are people you might not otherwise meet, and it can be very helpful to see how they work out their faith.

You end up being persecuted, which is always a purifying thing. Sometimes you get in trouble because of who you partner with. (I know of Christian groups that have ended up cooperating with some radical feminist movements in order to keep sexist, slasher films off campus. Though they shared little else in common, they both agreed that the films were degrading to women. Unfortunately, their association with these groups caused a few other Christian groups to take great offense.) Sometimes you may even come into conflict with the law. However, I don’t think it is a bad thing to get arrested on behalf of the poor and oppressed or for peace or public righteousness.

You experience true community. I think it is a bit odd that there are so many books about how to foster community. Hey, if you are out there fighting the good fight, and being persecuted for it, then community will happen without engineering it. People will come back a bit bruised after sharing their faith or catching heat for a social stand that they took and rely on the body for encouragement. Community will happen.

Your students will develop a civic-minded savvy about what it means to be involved in the process of social change. They will become like Daniel, who was able to persuasively argue that he should be allowed to be different in the midst of a leadership role. And this is an invaluable thing. The church needs tomorrow’s leaders — their journalists, teachers and CEOs — to understand the process of working out their biblical convictions in a fallen world. If they do not learn how and why to oppose sweatshops in Haiti when they are involved with us, when will they? It certainly isn’t going to be an attitude they pick up while working for a Fortune 500 company. We need to help them form those "habits of the heart" now.

Finally, I think that by helping students develop a social conscience, we force them be more discerning about the idols of this age. When you start studying the principalities and powers of this world by not just doing a Bible study on money, but by also studying advertising through the eyes of the biblical text, then you become more discerning about our culture and the forces that are shaping it. And at that point, students are more likely to become like the sons and daughters of Issachar — those who understood the times and knew what the people should do. (Chronicles 12:32).

 

 

Meeting Five: Traditional and Reflective Liberals

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Summary

Liberals (generally)

  • American liberals have more frequently appealed to government to advance the liberation of individuals from economic, racial, and political disadvantages in society as a whole.

  • Christian liberals begin with the conviction that God created human beings as social creatures for membership in public communities in which they should share common obligations and public benefits.

Catholic Tradition of the Common Good

  • Catholic social philosophy is critical of the individualism that has so strongly influenced both liberals and conservatives.

  • Affirms classical philosophy of human solidarity that requires of government an active responsibility for shaping society as a whole.

  • Government has moral function: protecting human rights and securing basic justice of all members of the commonwealth.

Reflective Protestants

  • Emphasis on liberty in community, the common good, state action to promote economic equity, and special public initiatives motivated by concern for the poor.

  • The economy exists for the sake of the human community and its relationship to God and the creation.

The Social Gospel

  • Kingdom of God was/is a social order in which each individual is preserved and enhanced. This cannot be forced by violent revolution or by government socialism, but it is nevertheless a communal achievement.

  • Jesus taught that all wealth is to be fraternally gained and used. This is the substance of stewardship and the clue to a Christian understanding of political economy.

  • The social gospel was a program for Christianizing America, but without the offense of the old exclusivist gospel of revivalism.

Discussion

1. How do you respond to the following statement by Douglas Meeks?

We do not know how to produce or distribute or consume if we do not know the shared meanings of social goods. We do not know what is due to a member of the community until we know how the members relate to each other through the things they make and distribute. The conception and creation of goods precedes and controls their distribution. A community or society may be said to be just if its life and arrangements are faithful to the shared understanding of its members.

2. Christians who fought for the abolition of slavery took a course of political action that aimed to change rather than conserve the existing order of society. How does this help us better understand the "roots" of Christian liberalism?

Conclusion

Strength: Traditional and reflective liberals challenge us to take seriously the common good. Christians ought to work for public justice and take seriously their civic responsibility as members of a political community — a commonwealth.

Weakness: Their Christianized America would be a community in which everyone enjoys greater equality of wealth and status and where democratic governance functions in every part. This framework, however, does not help to specify the common political good, and therefore is does not take us very far in elaborating norms of public justice by which to act with conviction and consistency as Christian citizens.

Meeting Six: Civil-Rights Reformers

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Summary

Origins of Civil Rights movement

  • " The Declaration of Independence and the Bill of Rights represent America’s first civil-rights movement.

  • For many civil-rights reformers, the Constitution and the entire American system are fully valid only if they reflect the higher law of justice, equality, and freedom.

  • The Constitution and all federal and state laws should be evaluated to see if they meet the standards of justice and human rights that transcend the Constitution itself.

  • From the countries beginning there developed a tradition of appeal to higher law against the lower laws that happened to be in place.

Framework for Action

  • The antislavery amendment to the constitution provided the framework for the civil-rights movement.

  • African-American citizens now knew that (1) they had a constitutional right to full protection of the law — a right to inclusion under federal protection; (2) they could make legal appeals to the Constitution and moral appeals to higher law against majoritarian government policies; (3) they could appeal particularly to the federal government against the recalcitrant state governments for reform.

Discussion

1. How do you respond to the following statement by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.?

If one is truly devoted to the religion of Jesus, he will seek to rid the earth of social evils. The gospel is social as well as personal. As Christians we owe our ultimate allegiance to God and His Will, rather than to man and his folkways.

2. Contemporary civil-rights activist Jesse Jackson thinks that the current struggle is in "upward mobility":

What real difference does it make to have the right to live in any neighborhood but not have the money to pay the house note? What is the fundamental difference in having the right under law to enroll in any medical school but not have the ability to pay the tuition?

3. Does government have any obligation to force upward mobility within nongovernmental institutions? To what extent should the government bear the responsibility of putting house payments and medical tuition payments in the hands of those who do not have them?

4. If a group of female literary critics wants to establish a publication for the poetic writings of female authors only, should it be charged with discrimination if it refuses to print prose written by males?

5. To what extent is civil-rights reform an adequate Christian political program and philosophy?

Conclusion

Strength: Cleary, politics and government cannot by reduced to civil-rights reform. But neither can a just political community exist without protection of the legitimate rights and liberties of all its citizens.

Weakness: When groups begin to appeal, as minorities, for government’s backing to give them society-wide access and privileges on the grounds that they suffer discrimination, then civil-rights claims begin to lose all meaning. They simply become part of a general, unbounded, interest-group struggle for control of or access to government power.

Do we see the battle line? Can black Christians and other oppressed Christians get beyond survival and blame? Can white Christians get beyond charity and the American dream? Can conviction be stronger than culture? Can we, like Zacchaeus, take responsibility for our past because of the presence of Jesus Christ in our lives? Can we pay our dues and move creatively ahead to claim the joy of overcoming past injustice? Can we move beyond racism? Can we seek partnerships with brothers and sisters of another race? Can we be called to a brotherhood like the one described in Proverbs, where "iron sharpens iron, and one man sharpens another" (Prov. 27:17)?

My hope is in Jesus Christ and the new life he can bring to a person and to a community. We need God’s people to declare a salvation that saves people from their personal sin and goes to make them whole and healthy.

The world is tiring, but we are to endure. The world will become frustrated, but we can have hope. The world will withdraw, but we must strike. We are God’s guerrilla fighters, his spiritual saboteurs. We must now go to battle in our communities, armed with the evangelism, social action, economic development, and the burning desire for justice through which Jesus can continue to carry on his quiet revolution.

—John Perkins, A Quiet Revolution, 1976

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